The CAPPP has published a Special Issue in the Canadian Political Science and has contributed several works in the Research Symposium, focusing on the Indo-Pacific region: https://ojs.unbc.ca/index.php/cpsr/issue/view/12
Vol. 17 No. 1 (2023): Special Issue: Canada and the Indo-Pacific strategic environment, Guest Editor: Robert J. Hanlon.
Canada and the Indo-Pacific Strategic Environment
Robert J. Hanlon
Abstract: This article introduces the ‘Indo-Pacific’ nomenclature as a strategic political construct that is altering the socio-economic and geopolitical landscape. Home to both India and China, the term is being adopted by governments who see the region as holding both unparalleled economic opportunities along with deeply concerning security challenges. Yet the ascent of the ‘Indo-Pacific’ term is controversial and not all actors have bought into its promise. While the moniker has been favoured by both India and the United States, it has also been met with suspicion most notably from China. Indeed, many analysts consider the paradigm fundamentally designed by the West to counterbalance China’s increasing influence in the region. Despite the controversy, the Indo-Pacific is an important term that more accurately captures and articulates the importance of a vast region that is strategically important for Canada
DOI: https://doi.org/10.24124/c677/20231917
Global Challenges and Plurilateral engagement in the Indian Ocean world
Victor V. Ramraj
Abstract: The Indian Ocean is the historic cross-roads of the world. On most measures—linguistic, religious, political, legal, and economic, among others—its diversity is unparalleled. While the region is home to perhaps the most strategically important state actors in an age of intense superpower rivalry, it is equally home to an astonishing range of non-state actors whose influence and significance should not be underestimated. Many religious, indigenous, and local non-state actors and networks have a long pedigree, sometimes dating back centuries. Layered on these legacy organizations are a vast range of contemporary non-state, transnational regulators active in the region. These actors play an increasingly important but overlooked role in global governance and can be effectively engaged in situations where states are unable or unwilling to act. This article explores how Canada and non-state actors based in Canada and beyond might engage plurilaterally with non-state actors in the Indian Ocean region
DOI: https://doi.org/10.24124/c677/20231867
Canadian twinning in the Indo-Pacific: the agency of subnational actors in present relationships and future strategies
Scott Michael Harrison and Quinton Huang
Abstract: Twinning relationships—that is, formalized long-term partnerships between two municipalities or provinces—have been a longstanding facet of Canadian foreign relations. They present a challenge to conceptions of foreign policy limited to sovereign states and national governments, particularly in Canada’s unique federal context, and serve as an entry point to a wider landscape of non-central government diplomacy, paradiplomacies and “other diplomacies.” Yet Canadian twinning relationships in the Indo-Pacific have been sorely understudied and underutilized. We therefore assembled the first comprehensive dataset of Canadian twinning in the Indo-Pacific to give an overview of the actors, drivers, chronology, and geography of these agreements. Many latent opportunities for new twinning and other diplomatic relationships still exist. Putting forward three possible trajectories for the future of Canadian twinning in the Indo-Pacific, we argue that Canada should pursue closer collaboration between federal, provincial and municipal governments and civil society by incorporating them as partners in the Indo-Pacific Strategy.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.24124/c677/20231863
The Indo-Pacific Region, immigration, international students and small mid-sized cities in the BC Interior – policy and capacity issues
Terry Kading and Aliesha Thomas
Abstract: The Indo-Pacific region figures prominently in Canada’s immigration strategy, which has of late become a critical policy file to address a wide range of existing and potential financial, economic, and social, challenges, most notably retaining immigrants and international students to enhance future growth prospects in the face of an aging workforce. Despite a strong political consensus at all levels as to the need to annually increase immigration and international student levels overall, inadequate policies and financial commitments exist in many broader policy areas to address the implications of this aggressive “numbers game”. This assessment provides an analysis of the elevated significance of economic immigration and international education and the conflicted motives within these two policy areas (despite both being viewed as serving larger immigration goals), resulting in serious capacity and equity issues that jeopardize the overall numerical successes –potentially undermining what is our most valuable long-term exchange with the Indo-Pacific Region.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.24124/c677/20231868
Canada’s Accession to ASEAN’s Treaty of Amity: Cooperation and Diplomatic Presence in Southeast Asia
Mark Stephen Williams and Selina Haynes
Abstract: This article examines Canada’s accession to the Treaty of Amity and Cooperation (TAC) with the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). As one of only a select group of 10 countries from outside of Southeast Asia that is a Dialogue Partner with ASEAN, Canada has gained important diplomatic and market presence in the Indo-Pacific. Furthermore, Canada’s national interests are advanced through the accession to TAC by supporting a rules-based system of regional order. The foundations of ASEAN—based on sovereignty, consensus, and the process of informality—make the “ASEAN Way” frustrating to proponents of an “independent” and “activist” foreign policy for Canada, especially as human rights abuses have unfolded in the region and the state of democracy remains a mixed record. However, Canada’s only method for securing economic interests, and just as critically, to promote a rules-based international order for the Indo-Pacific that is not dominated by China, is to participate with ASEAN as a TAC signatory.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.24124/c677/20231865
Managing the Canada-China Political Relationship in an Indo-Pacific Era
Robert Hanlon and Che-Hui Lien
Abstract: This paper outlines the risk and opportunity for managing an increasingly complex Canada-China bilateral relationship. As we argue, competitive pluralism and divergent political agency has led to increased tension and confusion on how Canada can build effective tactics for strengthening its relationship with China. To show this, we draw on the concept of social constructivism as a substantive theory for explaining how the current diplomatic crisis unfolded while calling for new and creative approaches for navigating the political relationship through socio-economic connections. We further contend that it is in Canada’s national interest for all levels of government and business actors to develop long-term strategies for working with the world’s second largest economy. Embracing political and economic pragmatism serves both Canada’s vital interests and values while offering a window on how to live with authoritarian China. We conclude with several policy recommendations for working with China through Canada’s Indo-Pacific Strategy framework.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.24124/c677/20231872
Fashion Diplomacy: Canada’s shared role in supporting garment worker safety in Bangladesh
Mary Frances Hanlon and Taylor Brydges
Abstract: In this article, we investigate Canada’s shared role in supporting worker safety and responsible fashion and apparel in Bangladesh. Drawing on two case studies, the Rana Plaza factory collapse and the COVID-19 pandemic, we investigate the Government of Canada’s varied response to the impact of these crises on garment workers. To investigate this, and to advance our understanding of Canada’s own role in supporting garment worker safety and agency in responsible fashion and apparel production, we turn to the concept of ‘fashion diplomacy.’ We argue that if Canada hopes to play a leading role in supporting responsible fashion and apparel practices in an ever-changing landscape, it must develop inclusive policy solutions capable of addressing the diverse and at times divergent interests of state and non-state actors both at home and abroad. In doing so, we identify possible strategies for Canada in addressing the new and emerging Indo-Pacific strategic environment.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.24124/c677/20231870
Disaster relief aid as soft diplomacy: Case of Canadian disaster diplomacy in Nepal 2015 earthquakes
Bala Raju Nikku, Bishwash Nepali and Sanjeev Dahal
Abstract: This article explores Nepal Earthquakes 2015 as a case of Canadian disaster diplomacy, tracing the diplomatic ties between Canada and Nepal. We argue that the warming up of diplomatic relations between these countriesin the 50thdiplomatic year sprinted Canada’s support following the 2015 Nepal earthquakes. The earthquakes increased Nepali Canadians’ involvement in the relief efforts, reinforced their diasporic identities, and increased their visibility as a visible minority community within the broader Asian diaspora in Canada while surfacing the political divisiveness amongst them. Against this backdrop, we ask: what lessons can be learned for Canadian disaster diplomacy efforts in the South Asian region? Based on field evidence, we argue that non-state actors, western disaster aid, and local government efforts fail to supply disaster relief in socially optimal quantities. We urge Canadian disaster aid actors to critically reflect on their aid strategies for effective help, not merely rhetoric and band-aid solutions.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.24124/c677/20231866
Canada’s Prospects in the Indo-Pacific
Robert J. Hanlon
Abstract: As Canada looks to strengthen its presence in Asia, the government’s Indo-Pacific Strategy (IPS) provides an important framework for guiding grand narratives on policy. Yet the document’s broad language raises questions around its pragmatism and how the strategy can be operationalized. To do so, Canada must work at bringing new ideas, be regionally present, and show solidarity with people of Asia. The government’s work must not digress into a one-way dialogue more concerned with preaching Canadian values and interests. Rather, there is a foreign policy imperative for listening to the diverse voices of regional stakeholders since Canada needs the Indo-Pacific more than the Indo-Pacific needs Canada.